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College of Agricultural and Life Sciences

The Library of Congress > Blogs > Maps
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by Pierre Dumas VALENCIA 1 4cnk6rSD

The following post is by Ed Redmond, a cartographic reference specialist in the Geography Map Division.

As part of the Library’s newly opened, yearlong exhibit Sperry Womens Crest Vibe Slip On Shoes Green 12 M 90MhGkM5Z
, the Geography and Map Division will be featuring several blog posts describing the depiction and history of baseball stadiums on maps in major American cities. As the only city that has had more than one Major League Baseball franchise every year since the establishment of the American league in 1901, Chicago is a great place to start!

Historical baseball stadiums can be found mainly on two types of maps in the Geography and Map Division’s collections: panoramic maps and fire insurance maps. In the mid to late 19th century, local baseball diamonds in large cities were typically located near factories or industrial sites. The panoramic map, below, of Chicago published in 1892 shows a baseball diamond and grandstands near the railroad tracks and docks. One can only imagine that the proximity to the factory is associated with workers playing baseball at lunch or after work.

. Currier Ives, 1892. Geography and Map Division, Library of Congress.

Detail of . Currier Ives, 1892. Geography and Map Division, Library of Congress.

A more prevalent source for baseball stadiums on maps are large-scale fire insurance or real estate atlases of major American cities published in the late 19th century through the 1950s, which show the stadiums of many professional teams throughout the years. Fire insurance maps are highly detailed, large-scale maps of American towns and cities created for the purposes of helping fire insurance companies assess fire risk and insurance offerings for individual buildings. Today, these maps, especially those of the prolific Gladiator Strappy Buckle Cuff Ankle Flats Vegan Sandal Tan YXzmu
, provide a record of the built environment and changes over time.

Chicago is currently home to the White Sox of the American League, who play on the south side of the city, and the Cubs of the National League, who play on the north side. The history of both teams’ stadiums can be seen in the fire insurance maps.

The Chicago White Sox briefly played at South Side Park before moving to Comiskey Park in 1910. From 1911 until 1940, the Chicago American Giants, one of the most successful National Negro League baseball teams of all time, took over the park, seen on the Sanborn map below, and called it their home.

. Sanborn Map Collection: Chicago, IL, vol. 4, plate 127, 1912. Geography and Map Division, Library of Congress.

The first game at Comiskey Park was held on July 1, 1910. The baseball park served as home to the White Sox for 80 years until the team moved to a new and improved stadium in 1990. Comiskey Park can be seen in both the 1912 map and the 1950 map below, and the changes it went through are evident. In the 1950, the base line grandstands were made out of brick with iron pillars supporting a wooden roof, while in 1912, the outfield bleachers were entirely composed of wooden construction and the bleachers along the baselines had no roof.

Comments like these lead me to the conclusion that many Mennonites who protested the war saw themselves as doves of a different feather—in, but not of, the antiwar movement. But I was too quick to take the students at their own word. More than a decade later, much more fully immersed in the history of the antiwar movement, I see things differently (for more on my work on the 1960s—unrelated to Mennonite history—see ).

Considering the antiwar movement in all its diversity, Mennonite students appear more typical than not of peace activists. In the words of historian Charles DeBenedetti, the antiwar movement was “local and ephemeral.” 4 Although images of student radicalism and confrontation dominated news coverage, recent scholarship has stressed the diversity of antiwar activists. Whether they acted as mothers, religious figures, or members of ethnic groups, activists nationwide often filtered their antiwar activism through local concerns or specific group identities. This is precisely what gave the movement its broad power—and its struggles with strategy and unity. 5 The movement was filled with doves of different feathers. Mennonite activists were not so exceptional in this. Furthermore, some activists’ suspicions about the broader movement reflect key ways in which Mennonites were not unique from their non-Mennonite neighbors.

Sociologist Todd Gitlin has demonstrated that media coverage of antiwar protest was deeply problematic. Reporters depicted the movement as potentially subversive or, paradoxically, ineffective and trivial. Journalists privileged stories with conflict and violence, often focusing on action above ideas and issues. Gitlin argues this encouraged activists to plan ever more dramatic protests and meant that protests that did not involve confrontation failed to reach the eyes of many Americans. Flexus Womens Belamar Essentials Sandal Beige EELaGga
Gitlin does not blame media coverage for the antiwar movement’s image problems. The movement, he argues, made several of its own mistakes. However, he illustrates some of the very real limitations set up by this coverage. 7

The Mennonite student activists who were wary of the larger movement show how much impact media could have, even on those critical of the war. These students defined themselves apart from the movement, perhaps because they did not recognize their own preferred methods of nonviolence and moderation as truly belonging to the movement. And yet, Mennonite students were hardly alone in their preference for a firmly nonviolent movement over the highly visible, but not universally embraced, turn to confrontation that came at the end of the 1960s. 8

Mennonites were also not unique in a desire to relate antiwar activism to one’s home community. Historian Lorena Oropeza has described the way Mexican-Americans’ antiwar views became intertwined with the growing Chicano movement. Chicano antiwar leaders valued having their own organizations, separate from the rest of the antiwar movement. They worked with the broader movement but they also wanted space where the concerns and voices of their own community could flourish. 9 Likewise, African Americans critiqued the war, arguing that African American men were more likely to be drafted and arguing that they should not have to fight abroad for a nation that denied them equal rights at home. Historian Simon Hall has noted a paradox: that African Americans were the group in America most critical of the war and yet largely absent from the antiwar movement, at least at a grassroots level. 10

Sasaki argued that Japanese are trained to be cooperative rather than autonomous and independent since childhood and that acting different from family members or neighbors may require a significant amount of energy and result in psychological distress, such as uneasiness and guilt. The mentality of "Follow your child when you grow old" in Japanese society has been suggested, and the elderly sometimes entrust decisions about their healthcare to family members. Families of elderly patients together with healthcare professionals might naturally take the initiative regarding healthcare decisions for the patient without their explicit consent. Thus, a family-centered or group-centered approach has been predominant in Japanese clinical settings[ 16 ]. Patience and modesty are considered virtues, and disobedience to group decisions is considered unacceptable.

Tamura also discussed dominant problematic mentalities. In Japanese society, one often feels the need to consider family members’ thoughts and feelings when making a decision. There is often internal or external pressure to prioritize family members’ opinions over those of the individual. Even when the family says that it is the person’s decision, he or she may still feel that the feelings of other family members should be prioritized[ adidas Womens Anyanda Flex Y W Athletic Sandal Medium Grey Heather/Easy Coral/White LZxMzPn
]. Ignoring one’s true desire is sometimes considered a virtue in Japan. From childhood, people are taught to respect others, especially parents, teachers, authorities, and older people[ 17 ]. A follow-the-crowd mentality and unassertiveness are often observed among Japanese people, as well as a tendency to eschew free thinking and discussion regarding individuals, hierarchy, and conventionalism at the workplace[ 13 ].

The literature view suggests the presence of traditional norms, such as interdependence, entrusting others, and filial duties[ 18 , 19 ]. The well-known Japanese psychiatrist Doi argued that Japanese tend to expect others to consider what they need and unconsciously require others to act in their best interest[ 20 ]. A commentator claimed that the predominantly Japanese idea to entrust important decisions to others could have its ideological origin in Buddhism[ 21 ]. Therefore, the Japanese mental tendency pointed out by Doi could result in patients depending on their physicians and other healthcare professionals when decisions must be made regarding medical care. However, when things go wrong, patients and their families may criticize healthcare professionals and accuse them of being solely responsible for the poor outcome.

Despite the strong influence of Western cultures, imported rules and concepts from the West may change in their implications, functions, and even goals without changing their appearances and thus become Japanesque in Japanese society[ 11 , 12 ]. Even though the names of concepts and principles may remain the same, they are likely to be similar yet different, and this likely reflects the strong, mixed influence of Shintoism, Buddhism, and Confucianism.
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